The 2023 Good Vibes Festival in Malaysia became a pivotal moment for LGBTQIA+ rights when Matty Healy, frontman of The 1975, denounced Malaysia’s anti-LGBTQIA+ laws on stage.
His provocative protest including a same-sex kiss led to the festival’s abrupt cancellation by the government, citing violations of local guidelines.
The aftermath extended beyond the event, tightening cultural restrictions and spotlighting Malaysia’s LGBTQIA+ community.
For many, Healy’s actions, though attention-grabbing, underscored the precariousness of queer life in a society where slurs like pondan and pengkid are normalised and LGBTQIA+ identities are reduced to stereotypes.
This stigma often escalates into violence.
In 2017, transgender woman Sameera Krishnan was fatally attacked, and teenager T. Nhaveen was beaten and burned to death after being mocked as a pondan[1].
Between 2018 and 2019, at least four trans women were murdered, reflecting a culture where discrimination frequently turns deadly[2].
Is Malaysia’s intolerance toward LGBTQIA+ individuals rooted in tradition, or is it a modern development exacerbating their struggle for acceptance? The answer remains critical as this community navigates rising scrutiny and systemic marginalisation.
The Colonial Imprint
A 2017 study revealed low acceptance of LGBTQIA+ individuals in Malaysia, with 60.5% of respondents deeming same-sex attraction morally unjustifiable. However, history paints a more nuanced picture[3].
In the early 15th century, non-heteronormative individuals held significant roles. The sida-sida, androgynous priests (male-bodied priests who wore women’s clothes and engaged in sexual relations with both the same and different sexes), served Malay sultans in Negeri Sembilan, Kelantan, and Johor, safeguarding sacred regalia and palace women due to their gender identities—a tradition observed until the 1950s[4,5].
In Borneo, manang bali, gender non-conforming shamans of the Iban tribe, acted as spiritual leaders, adopting gender roles aligned with their identities and sometimes taking male partners[6].
These practices, likely disrupted by mass Christian conversions, counter the claim that LGBTQIA+ identities are Western imports.
The roots of Malaysia’s homophobia and transphobia lie in its colonial past. British authorities introduced Section 377, criminalising same-sex relations, as part of a Victorian moral code that deemed non-procreative sexual acts taboo.
Colonisers feared that local practices would corrupt colonial officers, embedding these laws into the legal and cultural fabric. Today, 31 former British colonies, including Malaysia, still retain similar laws[7].
Even post-Merdeka, Malaysia balanced secular laws with traditional practices, including Islamic family laws. This duality often placed the secular state at odds with Syariah law, which has heavily influenced Malay Muslim identity and reinforced heteronormativity.
The 1970s marked a turning point, with rising Islamic conservatism and modernisation occurring simultaneously. Former Prime Minister Tun Dr Mahathir labelled Western values, including homosexuality, as threats to local traditions.
By the 1990s, anti-imperialism rhetoric conflated LGBTQIA+ identities with Western neo-imperialism, embedding homophobia within national identity. Both government and opposition parties propagated stricter Islamic values, further entrenching heterosexual norms and stigmatising non-conforming identities[8].
This historical interplay of colonialism, religion, and politics has shaped Malaysia’s current stance, making LGBTQIA+ acceptance a complex and deeply rooted issue.
Being Pretty Hurts
The government’s use of the law to criminally prosecute LGBT people is only part of the story in Malaysia. Pervasive antipathy toward sexual and gender diversity influences law enforcement, judicial outcomes, family behaviour, and public discourse in media toward and about LGBT people. – Kyle Knight, senior LGBT rights researcher at Human Rights Watch[9].
Each Malaysian state, alongside the federal territories of Kuala Lumpur and Putrajaya, enforces Syariah laws criminalising same-sex activities and gender nonconformity, including prohibitions against “a man posing as a woman” and vice versa.
A fatwa issued by the state of Perak in June 2010 stated that pengkid is a woman who acts like a man and has the conduct and sexual desires of a man, and a man who resembles a woman (mak nyah or transgender) in terms of clothing, conduct, appearance and sexual desires of a woman is prohibited in Islam[10].
In 2021, transgender entrepreneur Nur Sajat faced legal and religious backlash for allegedly “insulting Islam” through her dressing. After failing to appear in court, 122 officers were mobilised to locate her. Fleeing to Thailand, she was granted protection by the UNHCR and resettled in Australia.
All I wanted was freedom, safety and basic respect. It’s very sad that I could not have that in my own country. – Nur Sajat[11]
Despite stereotypes casting transwomen as threats to cisgender women, such as their portrayal in a 2011 Malay-language program as competitors for male attention, the reality is starkly different. Trans individuals in Malaysia face systemic discrimination, exploitation, and violence until they conform to binary gender norms[12, 13].
Malaysians who do not conform to cisnormative and heteronormative rules are treated as sinful aberrations, which in turn justifies their exploitation, stigmatisation, discrimination and even death until they are perceived as having successfully conformed to an existing category of gender as defined solely by anatomy. – Dr Joseph Goh, a senior lecturer in gender studies at Monash University Malaysia[14]
Beyond Syariah laws, colonial-era sedition laws further suppress LGBTQIA+ voices, denying the community a platform to share their perspectives.
The sedition laws … are still being used to target and silence activists. I don’t think us looking at the sodomy law as the only British legacy that is problematic is good enough. – Pang Khee Teik, a local activist[7]
Exacerbating matters, LGBTQIA+ issues are weaponised in political battles, further marginalising the community and silencing advocacy for their rights.
Playing Politics With Pride
In 2018, Malaysia’s long-standing ruling coalition was defeated, sparking hope for improved human rights. That same year, Anwar Ibrahim, now Malaysia’s 10th Prime Minister, was released from prison after being twice jailed on politically motivated sodomy charges. While his release was significant, it underscored the ongoing misuse of such charges for political gain.
During the Parliament session, you could hear they were very concerned that they are seen as being open to supporting LGBT, and they’re worried this might cost them political points. – Pang Khee Teik, a local activist[7]
Transgender rights, rather than advancing, stagnated or regressed as newly appointed ministers prioritised avoiding attacks from opposition parties like UMNO and PAS over protecting marginalised groups. The Islamic affairs minister emphasised guiding LGBTQIA+ individuals to “return to the right path and lead a normal life”[14].
The current government’s views in relation to transgender people are “a continuation of the previous administration’s policy, which had introduced a five-year government action plan to address some ‘social ills’ [including LGBT identities]. – Thilaga Sulathireh, a researcher at the Justice for Sisters[14]
Following the Langkah Sheraton political manoeuvre, the Muhyiddin Yassin administration (March 2020–August 2021) intensified its framing of LGBT individuals as a foreign threat. Muhyiddin labelled the community as disordered and in need of counselling, while Religious Affairs Minister, Zulkifli Mohammad empowered officers to arrest transgender individuals for “counselling” or “education”[9].
Homophobia remains entrenched across Malaysian political parties, except for the Malaysian Socialist Party (PSM). LGBT individuals are often scapegoated and portrayed as threats to a rigid national identity.
Political parties exploit societal queerphobia to appeal to Malay Muslim voters, using it to deflect attention from unresolved social and economic issues[15].
Far-right Islamist parties frequently accuse the centrist Pakatan Harapan (PH) coalition of being pro-LGBT to sway conservative voters.
In turn, PH politicians often reinforce queerphobia to counter these claims. For instance, Hulu Langat MP Mohd Sany Hazman defended Anwar Ibrahim against allegations of LGBT support, while DAP leader Lim Guan Eng threatened legal action against similar accusations.
These political tactics not only perpetuate discrimination but also shift the burden onto Malaysia’s LGBT community, who bear the brunt of this cyclical vilification.
Framing Identities As Illness
In 2023, a Member of Parliament proposed classifying LGBTQIA+ individuals as having mental health disorders. Homosexuality and transgender identities have long been declassified as mental illnesses in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) and the International Classification of Diseases (ICD)[16].
Malaysia continues to pathologise them, perpetuating stigma and legitimising harmful practices like conversion therapy. This discredited approach is linked to severe psychological harm, including PTSD, guilt, and social isolation[16].
In 2016, Jakim (Department of Islamic Development Malaysia) launched a five-year action plan, “Pelan Tindakan Menangani Gejala Sosial Perlakuan LGBT 2017-2021,” framing LGBT individuals as abnormal and a social ill[17].
Programmes like the mukhayyam initiative target transgender people using subtle tactics, often likened to conversion therapy, to “psycho your mind.”[9]
You can use [conversion therapy] as much as you want, but research has shown over
and over again that it does not work. It is a form of abuse. From a psychological point of view, we don’t make active choices in who we are as identities. Gender identity and sexual orientation] aren’t something you can just choose or change. – Shaleen Chrisanne, Malaysian freelance clinical psychologist[13]
In 2018, Jakim shared that 1,450 LGBT people had “recovered” from the “disease[9]. By 2021, 1,733 LGBT individuals had reportedly participated, with claims of “recovery”[17].
Such programmes, replicated by state religious councils, reflect the pervasive belief that affected individuals must “balik ke pangkal jalan” (return to the right path).
This stigmatisation also affects access to healthcare. Public health services, critical for many due to high private healthcare costs, often feel unsafe for LGBT individuals, especially Muslims, due to fears of discrimination and prosecution.
Jakim’s collaboration with the Ministry of Health (MoH) includes a repentance-focused “HIV in Islam” module targeting key populations, further alienating the community[17].
Healthcare discrimination is common, with transgender patients facing invasive questioning and hostile attitudes. Many trans individuals, often in sex work, are excluded from government aid and social security programs.
They don’t even have proper jobs or kids, making it hard to apply [for aid]. That’s why we started fundraising. Most of the time, trans people are left out of bantuan (help) by the government, further marginalising an already vulnerable group. – Nisha Ayub, founder of SEED Foundation[13].
Shunned And Left To Survive
In 2024, Thailand marked a milestone by legalising same-sex marriage during Pride Month. In contrast, Malaysia remains far from progress, with increasing censorship and hostile rhetoric against the LGBTQIA+ community.
In 2023, Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim stated that “LGBT groups, the concept of a secular state, and communist ideology will never be recognised” under his administration.
Censorship tightened further with bans on LGBTQIA+-themed content, including the confiscation of Swatch Pride collections and stricter monitoring of events.
The Muslims, non -Muslims, Christians, Hindus or Buddhists, they have a consensus in the country. They do not accept this (LGBTQIA+). – Anwar Ibrahim, Malaysia’s 10th Prime Minister[18]
Although Anwar expressed disapproval of the LGBTQIA+ community, he condemned harassment against them in a CNN interview[18].
A 2019 SUHAKAM study revealed that 72% of LGBTQIA+ respondents had considered emigrating for safety and recognition.
Efforts to establish a ‘third gender’ have been stalled by resistance from authorities like JAKIM, and each political shift deepens the prevalence of transphobia and homophobia[13].
Despite challenges, groups like Justice for Sisters, SEED Foundation, People Like Us Hang Out (PLUHO) and PT Foundation continue their advocacy.
They raise awareness, provide mental health support, and offer financial aid to improve the lives of LGBTQIA+ individuals. At its core, the community’s fight is for a future where dignity and freedom are universal rights.
Explore our sources:
- Latiff, R. & Ananthalakshmi, A. (2023). LGBTQIA+ fears grow in Malaysia as Islamists shatter reform hopes. Reuters. Link
- Petersen, H.E. (2018). Malaysian newspaper publishes ‘how to spot a gay’ checklist. The Guardian. Link
- Codeblue. (2019). NGO Remembers Slain Malaysian Trans Women. CodeBlue. Link
- Manalastas EJ, Ojanen TT, Torre BA, et al. (2017). Homonegativity in Southeast Asia: attitudes toward lesbians and gay men in Indonesia, Malaysia, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Vietnam. Asia-Pac Soc Sci Rev. 2017;17(1):25–33. Link.
- Khoo, S. (2023). QUEER IDENTITY AND NATIONALISM IN MALAYSIA. Geneva Graduate Institute. Link
- Al Mohdhar, M & Ngu, S. (2019). History shows gender, sexual diversity not alien to Malaysia. Europe Solidaire Sans Frontières. Link
- Goh, J. (2020). A divinely-inspired gender: The manang bali shamans of Sarawak. Malaysiakini. Link
- Westcott,B. (2018). The homophobic legacy of the British Empire. CNN. Link
- Wong, Y. (2013).Queer Travels: Networked Society, Digitizing Queerness and Political Surveillance.
- Human Rights Watch. (2023). “I Don’t Want to Change Myself”.Link
- Mohd Noor, U.M. (2015). BAYAN LINNAS SERIES 5: THE ISSUE OF TRANSGENDER AND TASYABBUH (IMITATING/RESEMBLING) & ITS RULINGS (REVISED EDITION). Mufti of Federal Territory’s Office. Link
- Chen, H. (2021). Malaysia Tried To Suppress Its Most Famous Trans Celeb. It Failed. Vice News. Link
- Yeong, A. (2021). Malaysia’s transgender community trapped by toxic religious ideals. GLOBE. Link
- Izharuddin, A. (2012). The transmen community is still overshadowed by phallocentric logic in Malaysia. LSE Blog. Link
- Salva, A. (2019). Is There Room for Transgender Rights in the ‘New Malaysia’? The Diplomat. Link
- Masing, L,A. (2022). Queer Scapegoats of the Postcolony: reflections on anti-LGBTQIA+ discourses during the 15th Malaysian General Election. LSE Blog. Link
- See, J. (2019). LGBT, diversity not disease. Free Malaysia Today. Link
- Cheh, S. (2018). Weaponising Science: Malaysia’s LGBTQIA+ “Research”. New Naratif. Link
- Kasinathan, S. (2023). PM Anwar says Home Ministry seizure on rainbow Swatches ‘excessive’, but defends Malaysia’s anti-LGBT stance. Malay Mail. Link
